Tag: Pregnancy

Estados Unidos sigue siendo uno de los países con más partos prematuros. ¿Se puede solucionar?

El segundo embarazo de Tamara Etienne estuvo lleno de riesgos y preocupaciones desde el principio, exacerbado porque ya había sufrido un aborto espontáneo.

Como maestra de tercer grado en una escuela pública del condado de Miami-Dade, pasaba todo el día parada. Le pesaban las preocupaciones financieras, incluso teniendo seguro de salud y algo de licencia paga.

Y, como mujer negra, toda una vida de racismo la volvió desconfiada de las reacciones impredecibles en la vida diaria. Estaba agotada por el trato despectivo y desigual en el trabajo. Justamente el tipo de estrés que puede liberar cortisol, que, según estudios, aumenta el riesgo de parto prematuro.

“Lo experimento todo el tiempo, no camino sola, o lo hago con alguien a quien debo proteger. Sí, el nivel de cortisol en mi cuerpo es incontable”, expresó.

A los dos meses de embarazo, las náuseas implacables cesaron de repente. “Empecé a sentir que mis síntomas de embarazo estaban desapareciendo”, dijo. Entonces comenzó un extraño dolor de espalda.

Etienne y su esposo corrieron a la sala de emergencias, donde confirmaron que corría un grave riesgo de aborto espontáneo. Una cascada de intervenciones médicas —inyecciones de progesterona, monitoreo fetal en el hogar y reposo en cama— salvó a la niña, que nació a las 37 semanas.

Las mujeres en Estados Unidos tienen más probabilidades de dar a luz prematuramente que las de la mayoría de los países desarrollados. Esto coincide con tasas más altas de mortalidad materno infantil, miles de millones de gastos en cuidado intensivo y a menudo una vida de discapacidad para los prematuros que sobreviven.

Aproximadamente uno de cada 10 nacimientos vivos en 2021 ocurrió antes de las 37 semanas de gestación, según un informe de March of Dimes publicado en 2022. En comparación, investigaciones recientes citan tasas de nacimientos prematuros del 7,4% en Inglaterra y Gales, del 6% en Francia y del 5,8% en Suecia.

En su informe, March of Dimes encontró que las tasas de nacimientos prematuros aumentaron en casi todos los estados de 2020 a 2021. Vermont, con una tasa del 8%, tuvo la calificación más alta del país: una “A-”. Los resultados más sombríos se concentraron en los estados del sur, que obtuvieron calificaciones equivalentes a una “F”, con tasas de nacimientos prematuros del 11,5% o más.

Mississippi (15 %), Louisiana (13,5 %) y Alabama (13,1 %) fueron los estados con peor desempeño. El informe encontró que, en 2021, el 10,9% de los nacidos vivos en Florida fueron partos prematuros, por lo que obtuvo una “D”.

Desde que la Corte Suprema anulara Roe vs. Wade, muchos especialistas temen que la incidencia de nacimientos prematuros se dispare. El aborto ahora está prohibido en al menos 13 estados y estrictamente restringido en otros 12: los estados que restringen el aborto tienen menos proveedores de atención materna, según un reciente análisis de Commonwealth Fund.

Eso incluye Florida, donde los legisladores republicanos han promulgado leyes contra el aborto, incluida la prohibición de realizarlo después de las 15 semanas de gestación.

Florida es uno de los estados menos generosos cuando se trata de seguro médico público. Aproximadamente una de cada 6 mujeres en edad fértil no tiene seguro, lo que dificulta mantener un embarazo saludable. Las mujeres de Florida tienen el doble de probabilidades de morir por causas relacionadas con el embarazo y el parto que las de California.

“Me quita el sueño”, dijo la doctora Elvire Jacques, especialista en medicina materno-fetal del Memorial Hospital en Miramar, Florida.

Jacques explicó que las causas de los partos prematuros son variadas. Alrededor del 25% se inducen médicamente, por condiciones como la preeclampsia. Pero la investigación sugiere que muchos más tendrían sus raíces en una misteriosa constelación de condiciones fisiológicas.

“Es muy difícil identificar que una paciente tendrá un parto prematuro”, dijo Jacques. “Pero sí puedes identificar los factores estresantes en sus embarazos”.

Los médicos dicen que aproximadamente la mitad de todos los nacimientos prematuros debido a factores sociales, económicos y ambientales, y al acceso inadecuado a la atención médica prenatal, se pueden prevenir.

En el Memorial Hospital en Miramar, parte de un gran sistema de atención médica pública, Jacques recibe embarazos de alto riesgo referidos por otros obstetras del sur de Florida.

En la primera cita les pregunta: ¿Con quién vives? ¿Donde duermes? ¿Tienes adicciones? ¿Dónde trabajas? “Si no supiera que trabajan en una fábrica paradas cómo les podría recomendar que usaran medias de compresión para prevenir coágulos de sangre?”.

Jacques instó al gerente de una tienda a que permitiera a su empleada embarazada trabajar sentada. Persuadió a un imán para que le concediera a una futura mamá con diabetes un aplazamiento del ayuno religioso.

Debido a que la diabetes es un factor de riesgo importante, a menudo habla con los pacientes sobre cómo comer de manera saludable. Les pregunta: “De los alimentos que estamos discutiendo, ¿cuál crees que puedes pagar?”.

El acceso a una atención asequible separa a Florida de estados como California y Massachusetts, que tienen licencia familiar paga y bajas tasas de residentes sin seguro; y a Estados Unidos de otros países, dicen expertos en políticas de salud.

En países con atención médica socializada, “las mujeres no tienen que preocuparse por el costo financiero de la atención”, apuntó la doctora Delisa Skeete-Henry, jefa del departamento de obstetricia y ginecología de Broward Health en Fort Lauderdale. Y tienen licencias por maternidad pagas.

Sin embargo, a medida que aumentan los nacimientos prematuros en Estados Unidos, la riqueza no garantiza mejores resultados.

Nuevas investigaciones revelan que, sorprendentemente, en todos los niveles de ingresos, las mujeres negras y sus bebés experimentan resultados de parto mucho peores que sus contrapartes blancas. En otras palabras, todos los recursos que ofrece la riqueza no protegen a las mujeres negras ni a sus bebés de complicaciones prematuras, según el estudio, publicado por la Oficina Nacional de Investigación Económica.

Jamarah Amani es testigo de esto como directora ejecutiva de Southern Birth Justice Network y defensora de la atención de parteras y doulas en el sur de Florida. A medida que evalúa nuevos pacientes, busca pistas sobre los riesgos de nacimiento en los antecedentes familiares, análisis de laboratorio y ecografías. Y se centra en el estrés relacionado con el trabajo, las relaciones, la comida, la familia y el racismo.

“Las mujeres negras que trabajan en ambientes de alto estrés, incluso si no tienen problemas económicos, pueden enfrentar un parto prematuro”, dijo.

Recientemente, cuando una paciente mostró signos de trabajo de parto prematuro, Amani descubrió que su factura de electricidad estaba vencida, y que la empresa amenazaba con cortar el servicio. Amani encontró una organización que pagó la deuda.

De los seis embarazos de Tamara Etienne, dos terminaron en aborto espontáneo y cuatro fueron de riesgo de parto prematuro. Harta de la avalancha de intervenciones médicas, encontró una doula y una partera locales que la ayudaron en el nacimiento de sus dos hijos más pequeños.

“Pudieron guiarme a través de formas saludables y naturales para mitigar todas esas complicaciones”, dijo.

Sus propias experiencias con el embarazo dejaron un profundo impacto en Etienne. Desde entonces, ella misma se ha convertido en una doula.

The US Remains a Grim Leader in Preterm Births. Why? And Can We Fix It?

Tamara Etienne’s second pregnancy was freighted with risk and worry from its earliest days — exacerbated by a first pregnancy that had ended in miscarriage.

A third-grade teacher at an overcrowded Miami-Dade County public school, she spent harried days on her feet. Financial worries weighed heavy, even with health insurance and some paid time off through her job.

And as a Black woman, a lifetime of racism had left her wary of unpredictable reactions in daily life and drained by derogatory and unequal treatment at work. It’s the sort of stress that can release cortisol, which studies have shown heighten the risk for premature labor.

“I’m experiencing it every day, not walking alone, walking with someone I have to protect,” she said. “So the level of cortisol in my body when I’m pregnant? Immeasurable.”

Two months into the pregnancy, the unrelenting nausea suddenly stopped. “I started to feel like my pregnancy symptoms were going away,” she said. Then strange back pain started.

Etienne and her husband rushed to an emergency room, where a doctor confirmed she was at grave risk for a miscarriage. A cascade of medical interventions — progesterone injections, fetal monitoring at home, and bed rest while she took months off work — saved the child, who was born at 37 weeks.

Women in the U.S. are more likely to deliver their babies prematurely than those in most developed countries. It’s a distinction that coincides with high rates of maternal and infant death, billions of dollars in intensive care costs, and often lifelong disabilities for the children who survive.

About 1 in 10 live births in 2021 occurred before 37 weeks of gestation, according to a March of Dimes report released last year. By comparison, research in recent years has cited preterm birth rates of 7.4% in England and Wales, 6% in France, and 5.8% in Sweden.

In its 2022 report card, the March of Dimes found the preterm birth rates increased in nearly every U.S. state from 2020 to 2021. Vermont, with a rate of 8%, merited the nation’s highest grade: an “A-.” The grimmest outcomes were concentrated in the Southern states, which largely earned “F” ratings, with preterm birth rates of 11.5% or higher. Mississippi (15%), Louisiana (13.5%), and Alabama (13.1%) were the worst performers. The March of Dimes report found 10.9% of live births in Florida were delivered preterm in 2021, earning the state a “D” rating.

Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, many maternal-fetal specialists worry that the incidence of premature birth will soar. Abortion is now banned in at least 13 states and sharply restricted in 12 others — states that restrict abortion have fewer maternal care providers than states with abortion access, according to a recent analysis by the Commonwealth Fund.

That includes Florida, where Etienne lives, and where Republican lawmakers have enacted a series of anti-abortion laws, including a ban on abortion after 15 weeks of gestation. Florida is one of the least generous states when it comes to public health insurance. About 1 in 6 women of childbearing age in Florida are uninsured, making it more difficult to begin a healthy pregnancy. Women are twice as likely to die from pregnancy and childbirth-related causes in Florida than in California.

“I lose sleep over this,” said Dr. Elvire Jacques, a maternal-fetal medicine specialist at Memorial Hospital in Miramar, Florida. “It’s hard to say, I expect [better birth outcomes] when I’m not investing anything from the beginning.”

***

The causes of preterm births are varied. About 25% are medically induced, Jacques said, when the woman or fetus is in distress because of conditions like preeclampsia, a pregnancy-related hypertensive disorder. But research suggests that far more early births are thought to be rooted in a mysterious constellation of physiological conditions.

“It’s very hard to identify that a patient will automatically have a preterm birth,” Jacques said. “But you can definitely identify stressors for their pregnancies.”

Physicians say that roughly half of all preterm births are preventable, caused by social, economic, and environmental factors, as well as inadequate access to prenatal health care. Risk factors include conditions such as diabetes and obesity, as well as more-hidden issues like stress or even dehydration.

At Memorial Hospital in Miramar, part of a large public health care system, Jacques takes on high-risk pregnancies referred from other OB-GYNs in South Florida.

When meeting a patient for the first time she asks: Who else is in your household? Where do you sleep? Do you have substance abuse issues? Where do you work? “If you don’t know that your patient works in a factory [standing] on an assembly line,” she said, “then how are you going to tell her to wear compression socks because that may help her prevent blood clots?”

Jacques has urged a store manager to let her pregnant patient sit while working. She persuaded an imam to grant a mom-to-be with diabetes a reprieve from religious fasting.

Because diabetes is a major risk factor, she often talks with patients about eating healthfully. For those who eat fast food, she asks them to try cooking at home. Instead of, “Can you pay for food?” she asks, “Of the foods we’re discussing, which one do you think you can afford?”

Access to affordable care separates Florida from states like California and Massachusetts — which have paid family leave and low rates of uninsured residents — and separates the U.S. from other countries, health policy experts say.

In countries with socialized health care, “women don’t have to worry about the financial cost of care,” said Dr. Delisa Skeete-Henry, chair of the obstetrics and gynecology department at Broward Health in Fort Lauderdale. “A lot of places have paid leave, [and pregnant patients] don’t have to worry about not being at work.”

Yet, as preterm births rise in the U.S., wealth does not ensure better pregnancy outcomes.

Startling new research shows that at every U.S. income level, Black women and their infants experience far worse birth outcomes than their white counterparts. In other words, all the resources that come with wealth do not protect Black women or their babies from preterm complications, according to the study, published by the National Bureau of Economic Research.

Jamarah Amani has seen this firsthand as executive director of the Southern Birth Justice Network and an advocate for midwifery and doula care in South Florida. As she evaluates new clients, she looks for clues about birth risks in a patient’s family history, lab work, and ultrasounds. She homes in quickly on stress related to work, relationships, food, family, and racism.

“I find Black women working in high-stress environments, even if they are not financially struggling, can face preterm birth,” she said. She develops “wellness plans” that include breathing, meditation, stretching, and walking.

Recently, when a patient showed signs of preterm labor, Amani discovered that her electricity bill was overdue and the utility was threatening to cut service. Amani found an organization to pay off the debt.

Of Tamara Etienne’s six pregnancies, two ended in miscarriage and four were threatened by preterm labor. Fed up with the onslaught of medical interventions, she found a local doula and midwife who helped guide her through the birth of her two youngest children.

“They were able to walk me through healthy, natural ways to mitigate all of those complications,” she said.

Her own pregnancy experiences left a profound impact on Etienne. She has since become a fertility doula herself.

Watch: In Insurers’ Eyes, Not All Midwives Are Equal

Vanessa Garcia Clark wanted a more personal, nontraditional birth when she was pregnant with her son. She hired a midwife and gave birth at her home in California. But when she asked her insurer to reimburse her for the midwifery bill totaling more than $9,500, her claim was denied.

In the first installment of InvestigateTV and KHN’s “Costly Care” series, Caresse Jackman, InvestigateTV’s national consumer investigative reporter, explores the different types of midwives — and how not all of them may be covered by insurance.

Jackman’s story features an interview with Dr. Elisabeth Rosenthal, KHN’s editor-in-chief, who advises mothers-to-be to negotiate before paying a big bill.

Community Resurrects Colorado Birth Center Closed by Private Equity Firm

When a private equity firm closed Seasons Midwifery and Birth Center in Thornton, Colorado, in October, the state lost one of its few non-hospital birthing centers and 53 families with pregnancy due dates in November and December were left scrambling to find providers.

But then staffers and community advocacy groups stepped in to fill the void for the suburban Denver community and its patients, many of whom rely on Medicaid, the federal-state insurance program for people with low incomes. They reorganized Seasons as a nonprofit organization and struck a note of triumph and defiance in announcing its reopening in January as the free-standing Seasons Community Birth Center. Seasons has five deliveries scheduled in February and 30 in March.

“With the closing, we decided we’re not going to let capitalism take us down,” said Justina Nazario, a Seasons birth assistant. “We’re going to bring these really important qualities that you don’t get in the medical-industrial complex.”

Over the past two decades, the number of at-home and birth center deliveries nationwide was on the rise — until the covid-19 pandemic hit. The number of out-of-hospital births increased 22% from 2019 to 2020 and an additional 12% from 2020 to 2021, according to a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report.

Nationally, birth centers — medical facilities for labor and childbirth that rely on midwives to help with healthy, low-risk pregnancies — have lower rates of preterm births, low birth weights, and women transferred to hospitals for cesarean sections.

While C-sections can be lifesaving, they are major surgeries that come with significant risk and cost. A 2013 study of about 22,400 women who planned to give birth at a birth center found that 6% of those who entered labor at such a facility were sent to a hospital for a C-section. By contrast, about 26% of healthy, low-risk pregnancies in hospitals end in C-sections.

Before Seasons closed, staffers transferred about 8% of patients to a hospital for a C-section.

The funding model for birthing centers is complicated: In Colorado they are regulated and licensed by the state health department, yet because they’re not hospitals, they can’t bill insurance in the same way as a hospital. So Seasons, for example, receives about $4,000 per birth from private insurance, said Heather Prestridge, the clinic’s administrative director, while a hospital birth costs on average $19,000 and is reimbursed by insurance for about $16,000.

The only option for patients who don’t have private insurance and cannot pay out-of-pocket is to deliver in a hospital. Most birth centers don’t accept Medicaid, but Seasons is different. Before its closure, about 40% of its clients were on Medicaid, which reimburses less than other insurance providers, Prestridge said.

“Every time we take a Medicaid client on, we lose money,” Prestridge said. “It’s so important for everyone to have access to this kind of care, so we continue to do it anyway.”

Medicaid’s restrictions and low reimbursement rates have led to financial problems for birth centers, including Seasons, despite their being inundated with patients. In Colorado, 19% of the population and 36% of births were covered by Medicaid in 2022.

As a nonprofit, Seasons will need to lean on fundraising to fill the gaps, Prestridge said.

A photo shows workers at Seasons Community Birth Center.
Seasons Community Birth Center in Thornton, Colorado, rebranded and reopened in January as a nonprofit after a private equity firm closed it in October. Seasons is one of the state’s few non-hospital birthing centers.(Aubre Tompkins)

Colorado has seven birth centers, including Seasons, which often have rooms that look more like bedrooms than hospital rooms, and bathtubs as an option for delivery.

In 2018, two other Colorado birth centers — associated with hospital groups but owned by a for-profit parent company — closed. The two Denver-area practices primarily served patients who had low incomes or were refugees, according to The Colorado Sun.

“It came as a shock to us, but unfortunately it has become our reality,” Miki Tynan, co-founder and managing director of Colorado Birth and Wellness said of the birth center closures.

When Seasons closed Oct. 4, Colorado Birth and Wellness, a collaboration between two birth centers in the Denver area, took on more than 60 of its clients.

The physicians group that started Seasons in 2019, called Women’s Health Group, partnered with a private equity group, Shore Capital Partners, in late 2020 and became Elevate Women’s Health. Executives there determined that Seasons was unprofitable and closed it, said Aubre Tompkins, clinical director at Seasons Community Birth Center, and others who worked for Seasons at the time.

“It was pretty devastating,” Tompkins said. “There were a lot of tears, there was a lot of anger, there was a lot of confusion.”

After the closure was announced, Elephant Circle, a reproductive justice organization, reached out to Tompkins with a plan to raise money for Seasons to reopen as a nonprofit. The organization’s founder, Indra Lusero, said members wanted to save Seasons but also wanted to invest in making the nonprofit model work more broadly.

“There’s been some investment, there’s been federal studies, there’s great data — all the things saying, ‘Hey, I think this model looks like it could work. We should invest in this model,’” Lusero said.

As a nonprofit, Seasons plans to expand its services to include gender-affirming care and train more people as midwives and doulas to increase diversity in the field. Seasons offers annual gynecological exams, contraceptives, lactation services, and newborn care through the first two weeks of life.

Tompkins is a member of what she described as an emergency and temporary task force that reopened the facility with a reproductive justice mission. Nazario will also sit on the board, along with representatives from the Colorado Organization for Latina Opportunity and Reproductive Rights, or COLOR; Elephant Circle; and Soul 2 Soul Sisters, a racial justice organization.

Nazario, who describes herself as Afro-Latina, has experienced firsthand how essential her identity and experiences are to her work in birthing. Potential clients often reach out to her saying they had been looking for someone like her, someone like them.

Katherine Riley, who gave birth to her daughter at Seasons last year, is policy director at COLOR and a member of the Seasons Community Birth Center board. She said she’s excited to advance Seasons’ mission and expand teaching opportunities for future midwives.

“The practice of midwifery, I think, in itself is an act of resistance,” Riley said. “There’s a long history of racism and patriarchy in ousting midwives, and so I think returning as a community to that is so important.”

Part II: The State of the Abortion Debate 50 Years After ‘Roe’

The Host

The abortion debate has changed dramatically in the seven months since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and its nationwide right to abortion. Nearly half the states have banned or restricted the procedure, even though the public, at the ballot box, continues to show support for abortion rights.

In this special, two-part podcast, taped the week of the 50th anniversary of the decision in Roe v. Wade, an expert panel delves into the fight, the sometimes-unintended side effects, and what each side plans for 2023.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KHN, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call, and Sarah Varney of KHN.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Exemptions to state abortion bans came into question shortly after the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe, with national debate surrounding the case of a 10-year-old in Ohio who was forced to travel out of state to have an abortion — although, as a rape victim, she should have been able to obtain an abortion in her home state.
  • The restrictions in many states have caused problems for women experiencing miscarriages, as medical providers fear repercussions of providing care — whether affecting their medical licenses or malpractice insurance coverage, or even drawing criminal charges. So far, there have been no reports of doctors being charged.
  • A Christian father in Texas won a lawsuit against the federal government that bars the state’s Title X family-planning clinics from dispensing birth control to minors without parental consent. That change poses a particular problem for rural areas, where there may not be another place to obtain contraception, and other states could follow suit. The Title X program has long required clinics to serve minors without informing their parents.
  • Top abortion opponents are leaning on misinformation to advance their causes, including to inaccurately claim that birth control is dangerous.
  • Medication abortion is the next target for abortion opponents. In recent months, the FDA has substantially loosened restrictions on the “abortion pill,” though only in the states where abortion remains available. Some opponents are getting creative by citing environmental laws to argue, without evidence, that the abortion pill could contaminate the water supply.
  • Restrictions are also creating problems for the maternal care workforce, with implications possibly rippling for decades to come. Some of the states with the worst maternal health outcomes also have abortion bans, leading providers to rethink how, and where, they train and practice.
  • Looking ahead, a tug of war is occurring on state and local levels among abortion opponents about what to do next. Some lawmakers who voted for state bans are expressing interest in at least a partial rollback, while other opponents are pushing back to demand no changes to the bans. With Congress divided, decisions about federal government spending could draw the most attention for those looking for national policy changes.

And for extra credit, the panelists recommend their most memorable reproductive health stories from the last year:

Julie Rovner: NPR’s “Because of Texas’ Abortion Law, Her Wanted Pregnancy Became a Medical Nightmare,” by Carrie Feibel

Alice Miranda Ollstein: The New York Times Magazine’s “She Wasn’t Ready for Children. A Judge Wouldn’t Let Her Have an Abortion,” by Lizzie Presser

Sandhya Raman: ProPublica’s “’We Need to Defend This Law’: Inside an Anti-Abortion Meeting with Tennessee’s GOP Lawmakers,” by Kavitha Surana

Sarah Varney: Science Friday’s and KHN’s “Why Contraceptive Failure Rates Matter in a Post-Roe America,” by Sarah Varney

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:


To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KHN’s What the Health? on SpotifyApple PodcastsStitcherPocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

Part I: The State of the Abortion Debate 50 Years After ‘Roe’

The Host

The abortion debate has changed dramatically in the seven months since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and its nationwide right to abortion. Nearly half the states have banned or restricted the procedure, even though the public, at the ballot box, continues to show support for abortion rights.

In this special two-part podcast, taped the week of the 50th anniversary of the Roe decision, an expert panel delves into the fight, the sometimes-unintended side effects, and what each side plans for 2023.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KHN, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call, and Sarah Varney of KHN.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Exemptions to state abortion bans came into question shortly after the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe, with national debate surrounding the case of a 10-year-old in Ohio who was forced to travel out of state to have an abortion — although, as a rape victim, she should have been able to obtain an abortion in her home state.
  • The restrictions in many states have caused problems for women experiencing miscarriages, as medical providers fear repercussions of providing care — whether affecting their medical licenses or malpractice insurance coverage, or even drawing criminal charges. So far, there have been no reports of doctors being charged.
  • A Christian father in Texas won a lawsuit against the federal government that bars the state’s Title X family-planning clinics from dispensing birth control to minors without parental consent. That change poses a particular problem for rural areas, where there may not be another place to obtain contraception, and other states could follow suit. The Title X program has long required clinics to serve minors without informing their parents.
  • Top abortion opponents are leaning on misinformation to advance their causes, including to inaccurately claim that birth control is dangerous.
  • Medication abortion is the next target for abortion opponents. In recent months, the FDA has substantially loosened restrictions on the “abortion pill,” though only in the states where abortion remains available. Some opponents are getting creative by citing environmental laws to argue, without evidence, that the abortion pill could contaminate the water supply.
  • Restrictions are also creating problems for the maternal care workforce, with implications possibly rippling for decades to come. Some of the states with the worst maternal health outcomes also have abortion bans, leading providers to rethink how, and where, they train and practice.
  • Looking ahead, a tug of war is occurring on state and local levels among abortion opponents about what to do next. Some lawmakers who voted for state bans are expressing interest in at least a partial rollback, while other opponents are pushing back to demand no changes to the bans. With Congress divided, decisions about federal government spending could draw the most attention for those looking for national policy changes.

Also this week, Rovner interviews Elizabeth Nash, who tracks state reproductive health policies for the Guttmacher Institute, a reproductive rights research group.


To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KHN’s What the Health? on SpotifyApple PodcastsStitcherPocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

In North Carolina, More People Are Training to Support Patients Through an Abortion

Lauren Overman has a suggested shopping list for her clients preparing to get an abortion. The list includes a heating pad, a journal, aromatherapy oils — things that could bring physical or emotional comfort after the procedure.

Overman is an abortion doula.

She has worked as a professional birth doula for many years. Recently, Overman also began offering advice and emotional support to people as they navigate having an abortion, often a lonely time. She makes her services available either free or on a sliding scale to abortion patients. Other abortion doulas charge between $200 and $800.

Overman is one of around 40 practicing abortion doulas in North Carolina, according to an estimate from local abortion rights groups — a number that could soon grow. North Carolina groups that train doulas said they’ve seen an uptick in people wanting to become abortion doulas in the months since Roe v. Wade was overturned.

Every three months, the Carolina Abortion Fund offers free online classes for aspiring abortion doulas. Those sessions used to have 20 sign-ups at most, according to board member Kat Lewis. Now they have 40.

“It’s word of mouth. It’s people sharing ‘This is how I got through my abortion or miscarriage experience with the help of a doula.’ And someone being like, ‘That’s amazing. I need that. Or I wanna become that,’” Lewis said.

Demand for training has also surged at the Mountain Area Abortion Doula Collective in western North Carolina, which started in 2019. Ash Williams leads the free four-week doula training and includes talks on gender-inclusive language and the history of medical racism. The course also includes ways to support clients struggling with homelessness or domestic violence.

“The doula might be the only person that that person has told that they’re doing this. … That’s a big responsibility,” Williams said. “So we really want to approach our work with so much care.”

Going to the clinic and holding a patient’s hand during the procedure are among the services abortion doulas can offer, but some clinics don’t allow a support person in the room. So doulas like Overman find other ways to be supportive, such as sitting down with a woman afterward, to listen, share a meal, or just watch TV together.

It’s “holding space — being there so that they can bring something up if they want to talk about it. But also, there are no expectations that you have to talk about it if you don’t want to,” Overman said.

The photograph shows Lauren Overman's notebook, which she holds as she draws a simple diagram of the female reproductive system. The drawing has clearly labeled where a fertilized egg is located in the uterus and the location of the cervix.
Lauren Overman uses sketches to walk her clients through the abortion procedure.(Max Posner / NPR)

Overman uses Zoom to consult with people across the country, even in states where abortion is restricted or banned. She can help them locate the closest clinics or find transportation and lodging if they’re traveling a long distance.

Overman makes sure her clients know what to expect from the procedure, like how much bleeding is normal after either a surgical or medication abortion.

“You can fill up a super maxi pad in an hour. That’s OK,” she explained. “Fill up one or more pad every hour for two to three hours consecutively, then that’s a problem.”

Abortion doulas are not required to have medical training, and many do not. It’s not clear how many work across the U.S., because the job is not regulated.

There has been a jump in the number of people requesting her abortion doula services over the past several months, Overman said, from around four people a month to four every week.

If people are afraid to talk to their friends or relatives about an abortion, she said, sometimes the easiest thing to do is reach out to someone on the internet. A doula may start out as a stranger but can become a person who can be relied on for support.

This article is from a partnership that includes NPR, WFAE, and KHN.

“Cuarto trimestre”: período clave para prevenir las muertes maternas

Durante varias semanas al año, el trabajo de la enfermera-comadrona Karen Sheffield-Abdullah es detectivesco. Con un equipo de investigadores médicos del Departamento de Salud Pública de Carolina del Norte examina los registros hospitalarios y los informes forenses de las madres que murieron después de dar a luz.

Estos comités de revisión de la mortalidad materna buscan pistas sobre lo que ha contribuido a estas muertes —recetas que nunca se recogieron, faltar a citas médicas postnatales, señales de alerta que los médicos pasaron por alto—, para averiguar cuántas podrían haberse evitado y cómo.

Los comités trabajan en 36 estados, y en la última y mayor recopilación de datos de este tipo, publicada en septiembre por los Centros para el Control y Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC), un sorprendente 84% de las muertes relacionadas con el embarazo se consideraron prevenibles.

Lo que resulta aún más alarmante para enfermeras-detectives como Sheffield-Abdullah es que el 53% de las muertes se produjeron mucho después de que las mujeres fueran dadas de alta del hospital, entre siete días y un año después del parto.

“Estamos muy centrados en el bebé”, afirma. “Una vez que el bebé está aquí, es casi como si la madre fuera descartada… Y en lo que realmente tenemos que pensar es en ese cuarto trimestre, ese tiempo después del nacimiento del bebé”.

Las condiciones de salud mental fueron la principal causa subyacente de muertes maternas entre 2017 y 2019. Las blancas no hispanas y las hispanas fueron las más propensas a morir por suicidio o sobredosis de drogas, mientras que los problemas cardíacos fueron la principal causa de muerte para las mujeres negras no hispanas.

Ambas circunstancias ocurren desproporcionadamente más tarde en el período posparto, según el informe de los CDC.

Los datos revelan múltiples deficiencias en el sistema de atención a las nuevas madres, desde los obstetras que no están adiestrados (o bien pagados) para buscar signos de problemas mentales o de adicción, hasta las pólizas que despojan a las mujeres de la cobertura médica poco después de dar a luz.

El principal problema es que el típico control postnatal de seis semanas es demasiado tarde, según Sheffield-Abdullah. En los datos de Carolina del Norte, las nuevas madres que murieron más tarde no acudieron a esta cita porque tenían que volver al trabajo o tenían otros niños pequeños, agregó.

“Tenemos que estar realmente en contacto mientras están en el hospital”, dijo Sheffield-Abdullah, y luego asegurarnos de que las pacientes reciban la atención de seguimiento adecuada “una o dos semanas después del parto”.

Otra de las recomendaciones de los CDC es más pruebas de detección de depresión y ansiedad posparto, durante todo el año posterior al parto, así como una mejor coordinación de la atención entre los servicios médicos y sociales, según David Goodman, que dirige el equipo de prevención de mortalidad materna de la División de Salud Reproductiva de los CDC, que publicó el informe.

Una crisis frecuente es que la adicción de uno de los padres se agrava tanto que los servicios de protección infantil se llevan al bebé, lo que precipita una sobredosis accidental o intencionada de la madre. Tener acceso al tratamiento y asegurarse de que las visitas a los niños se produzcan con regularidad podría ser la clave para prevenir estas muertes, apuntó Goodman.

El cambio político más importante ha sido la ampliación de la cobertura sanitaria gratuita a través de Medicaid, indicó. Hasta hace poco, la cobertura de Medicaid relacionada con el embarazo solía expirar dos meses después del parto, lo que obligaba a las mujeres a dejar de tomar medicamentos o de acudir a un terapeuta o a un médico porque no podían pagar el costo sin seguro médico.

Ahora, 36 estados han ampliado o tienen previsto ampliar la cobertura de Medicaid hasta un año completo después del parto, en parte como respuesta a los primeros trabajos de los comités de revisión de la mortalidad materna.

“Si esto no es una llamada a la acción, no sé qué es”, señaló Adrienne Griffen, directora ejecutiva de la Maternal Mental Health Leadership Alliance, una organización sin fines de lucro centrada en la política nacional. “Hace tiempo que sabemos que los problemas de salud mental son la complicación más común del embarazo y el parto. Solo que no hemos tenido la voluntad de hacer algo al respecto”.

El último estudio de los CDC de septiembre analizó 1,018 muertes en 36 estados, casi el doble de los 14 estados que participaron en el informe anterior. Los CDC están dando aún más fondos para las revisiones de la mortalidad materna, dijo Goodman, con la esperanza de captar datos más completos de más estados en el futuro.

El aumento de la concientización y la atención sobre la mortalidad materna les ha dado esperanza a activistas y médicos, especialmente por los esfuerzos para corregir las disparidades raciales: las mujeres negras tienen tres veces más probabilidades de morir por complicaciones relacionadas con el embarazo que las blancas.

Pero muchos de estos mismos partidarios de una mejor atención materna dicen estar consternados por la reciente decisión del Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos de erradicar el derecho federal al aborto; las restricciones en torno a la atención de la salud reproductiva, dicen, erosionarán los avances.

Desde que estados como Texas empezaron a prohibir los abortos en etapas tempranas del embarazo y a hacer menos excepciones para aquellos casos en los que la salud de la embarazada está en peligro, a algunas mujeres les resulta más difícil recibir atención de urgencia por un aborto espontáneo.

Los estados también están prohibiendo los abortos —incluso en casos de violación o incesto— en chicas jóvenes, que afrontan un riesgo mucho mayor de complicaciones o muerte por llevar un embarazo a término.

“Cada vez más el mensaje es que ‘no eres dueña de tu cuerpo’”, dijo Jameta Nicole Barlow, profesora adjunta de redacción, política y gestión sanitaria en la Universidad George Washington.

Según Barlow, esto no hará más que agravar los problemas de salud mental que experimentan las mujeres en torno al embarazo, especialmente las mujeres negras, que también se enfrentan a la larga historia intergeneracional de la esclavitud y el embarazo forzado. Sospecha que las cifras de mortalidad materna empeorarán antes de mejorar, debido a la interrelación entre la política y la psicología.

“Hasta que no abordemos lo que está ocurriendo políticamente”, dijo, “no vamos a poder ayudar a lo que está ocurriendo psicológicamente”.

Esta historia es parte de una alianza que incluye a KQEDNPR, y KHN.

KHN’s ‘What the Health?’: Biden Declares the Pandemic ‘Over’


Can’t see the audio player? Click here to listen on Acast. You can also listen on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.


President Joe Biden’s declaration in a national interview that the covid-19 pandemic is “over” has complicated his own administration’s efforts to get Congress to provide more funding for treatments and vaccines, and to get the public to go get yet another booster.

Meanwhile, concerns about a return of medical inflation for the first time in a decade is helping boost insurance premiums, and private companies are scrambling to claim their piece of the health care spending pie.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KHN, Anna Edney of Bloomberg News, Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico, and Lauren Weber of KHN.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Biden’s comment to “60 Minutes” that the pandemic was over — even though covid is still an issue — highlights the difficulty in communicating to the public how to transition from a public health crisis to a public health problem.
  • Much of the country may agree with the president, as evidenced by fewer people using face masks regularly and a decreased number of commercial restrictions related to covid. But several hundred people are still dying each day, a high toll often overlooked.
  • Insurance premiums appear to be on the upswing this fall, even though medical costs have not been rising as quickly as other parts of the economy in recent months. The increase may reflect insurers’ concerns that, coming out of the covid crisis, consumers will be seeking more medical services.
  • One aspect of health business that is driving up costs is the increased investment by private equity companies, which are expanding their reach beyond emergency room doctors and a few other specialties to a wider range of medical services, including gastroenterology and ophthalmology.
  • Another concern for the future of health costs is the move toward consolidation in health care. Among recent developments on that front were Amazon’s announcement it is moving into primary care with the purchase of One Medical and CVS’ decision to buy home health care company Signify Health.
  • Abortion policies continue to make news in various states. West Virginia passed a law that restricts nearly all abortions; several Utah Republican legislators sent cease-and-desist letters to abortion providers in their state; and Puerto Rico has a new political party campaigning on the issue of trying to curb the commonwealth’s liberal abortion law.
  • While Democrats hope the issue of abortion will swing more voters their way in the midterm elections, it’s not clear whether overall support for abortion will be a deciding issue for voters in more conservative states and bring any changes.

Plus, for extra credit, the panelists recommend their favorite health policy stories of the week they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: The Anchorage Daily News’ “Many Alaska Pharmacies Are Understaffed, Leading to Sporadic Hours and Patients Turned Away,” by Annie Berman

Joanne Kenen: Capital B’s “Clinicians Dismiss Black Women’s Pain. The Consequences Are Dire,” by Margo Snipe

Anna Edney: The Guardian’s “Fury Over ‘Forever Chemicals’ as US States Spread Toxic Sewage Sludge,” by Tom Perkins

Lauren Weber: KHN’s “Doctors Rush to Use Supreme Court Ruling to Escape Opioid Charges,” by Brett Kelman

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:


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And subscribe to KHN’s What the Health? on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KHN’s ‘What the Health?’: Graham’s Bill Recenters Abortion Debate


Can’t see the audio player? Click here to listen on Acast. You can also listen on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.


Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) put abortion back on Republicans’ agenda this week with a legislative proposal calling for a national ban on most abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy. For many in his party, it was an unwelcome intrusion that could add to public unease with the party’s efforts to limit access to abortion as they look toward the midterm elections.

The World Health Organization suggested this week that the end of the covid-19 pandemic is within sight, but that doesn’t mean there’s an end to second-guessing about how public health officials reacted or their plans going forward.

This week’s panelists are Mary Agnes Carey of KHN, Rachel Cohrs of Stat, Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call, and Margot Sanger-Katz of The New York Times.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Graham appeared to be trying to build consensus among conservatives with his bill. Republicans have been startled how the Supreme Court’s decision this summer ending a constitutional right to abortion has energized voters opposed to the move. In some red states, confusion has arisen over how strict a ban lawmakers can support. Graham’s bill would allow states to enact abortion laws that are more restrictive but would cap efforts by more progressive states to keep abortion legal later in pregnancy. He had the backing of several influential anti-abortion groups.
  • That didn’t seem to matter to many Capitol Hill Republicans. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell was dismissive of the proposal, saying the issue needs to be dealt with on a state level, and refused to commit to bringing up the bill if Republicans capture the Senate in the fall elections. Conservatives have long argued that abortion access should be a state decision.
  • Graham’s announcement was inconvenient for Capitol Hill Republicans. Much of the political debate on abortion access had been focused on state races, but his bill allows Democrats to make it an issue in congressional races, too.
  • Groups that oppose abortion say that Graham’s effort is a good first step toward setting policy for the country, especially since states may continue to be more restrictive.
  • In the past, the 15-week gestational ban has been fairly well supported by the public, according to opinion polling. But new surveys suggest Americans’ views may be shifting as they witness the consequences of the Supreme Court decision and tragic stories appear about pregnancies in which fetal anomalies are discovered late or a mother’s health is impaired in late pregnancy.
  • On the covid-19 front, World Health Organization Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus told reporters Wednesday that the covid pandemic is not over but was upbeat about the fight against the virus. “The end is in sight,” he said.
  • His comments came as a group of world health experts, the Lancet Covid-19 Commission, blamed the WHO, the U.S. government, and others for insufficient coordination in fighting the disease. And a report by Politico and the German newspaper Welt looks at four non-governmental health organizations that had an influence on pandemic efforts.
  • Despite Adhanom Ghebreyesus’ comments, public health officials in the U.S. are pushing hard for Americans to get another covid booster this fall. And the situation points out that public health officials may not have a good handle on how to transition from treating covid as an emergency to an ongoing health threat.
  • The outlook is also muddled because the Biden administration has asked for more money from Congress to continue to fund vaccination and testing efforts, but congressional Republicans appear unlikely to support that effort. They believe it is time for the government to move out of that effort and allow the regular health industry to take over.
  • The latest statistics from the Census Bureau show a near-record low in the number of people who are uninsured. But most experts are concerned because once the covid emergency ends, states will again be allowed to recalibrate their Medicaid rolls and many people who have been covered by the federal-state health program during the pandemic could be pushed off government coverage.

Plus, for extra credit, the panelists recommend their favorite health policy stories of the week they think you should read, too:

Mary Agnes Carey: KHN’s “As State Institutions Close, Families of Longtime Residents Face Agonizing Choices” by Tony Leys

Rachel Cohrs: Politico’s “A New Approach to Domestic Violence” by Joanne Kenen

Sandhya Raman: The Philadelphia Inquirer’s “Philly’s Kids Are Grieving Alone From the Far-Reaching Trauma of Gun Violence, Advocates Say” by Abraham Gutman

Margot Sanger-Katz: The New York Times’ “Despite Their Influence and Extensive Access to Information, Members of Congress Can Buy and Sell Stocks With Few Restrictions”  and “These 97 Members of Congress Reported Trades in Companies Influenced by Their Committees” by Kate Kelly, Adam Playford, and Alicia Parlapiano

Also discussed on this week’s podcast:

Politico and Welt’s “How Bill Gates and Partners Used Their Clout to Control the Global Covid Response — With Little Oversight” by Erin Banco, Ashleigh Furlong, and Lennart Pfahler

The Census Bureau’s “Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2021


To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KHN’s What the Health? on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.